Showing posts with label Columbia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Columbia. Show all posts

Saturday, 15 December 2018

Kreutzer in khaki

Albert Sammons (1886-1957) and William Murdoch (1888-1942) performed regularly together in chamber concerts during 1916 to 1917, both had joined the army and were travelling around the country dressed in khaki as part of the propaganda effort on the home front. Columbia in order to enhance their ongoing expansion into orchestral, instrumental and chamber music repertoire recorded the duo in a number of recordings including both the Beethoven's Spring and Kreutzer sonatas, incidentally the first recordings to be made of these two compositions, even though they were savagely cut. They were sonically primitive and even Columbia thought they needed replacing in the catalogues by 1923 when Murdoch was now paired with Arthur Catterall, Sammons having become an artist for Aeolian Vocalion. When the Western Electric system was introduced Sammons and Murdoch made their complete recording in 1926, again for Columbia.


Daily Mirror - Friday 26 May 1916
Both musicians had to learn a new instruments as part of their army training, Sammons had to learn a wind instrument, (which one?) in the Grenadier Guards and Murdoch the trombone. Murdoch was unfit for service and sent to Scandinavia for light duties which effectively split the duo up.



Violin Sonata No.9 in A major, Op.47 (Kreutzer) : abridged
Albert Sammons, violin & William Murdoch, piano

I. Adagio sostenuto (A major) - Presto (A minor)   II. Andante con variazioni (F major) 
 III. Finale. Presto (A major)

Columbia L1210 & L1211
[Matrix :75488, 75489, 75490 & 75491]
Recorded April, 1917
(If you are not familiar with FLAC I can recommend Foobar2000 player)

The work can also be streamed as mp3 @ 192 kbps






I have been away from posting anything for quite a while, and the main reason that I'm stuffing something onto the blog now is because I was not well satisfied with the way I was making my transfers and decided to try a different approach and see if anyone thinks it is an improvement. I'm not looking for a clean sounding reproduction, but instead an improvement in the dynamic and timbre of the instruments.

I have to warn you here this means my transfer are more than a bit noisy but hopefully with better fidelity to the original performance.

Albert Sammons in an interview for April 1924 issue of The Gramophone outlines the problem very well:-

'One critic said that it wasn't always possible to pick out the melody in the piano part, and that the violin should keep under in parts to allow the piano a chance to stand out more clearly in its solo passages. This, however, is no fault of the ensemble of the players; both Catterall and Murdoch are pastmasters of chamber music playing, but to have as perfect a performance as one could get on the concert platform would entail more than the present amount of expense and work allowed for recording. It would be necessary to have two or three finished records, so that the player could (pencil and music in hand) mark every passage as they listened, so as to be able to give and take accordingly for the final and master record. Even then a good deal would be left to chance. At times it would be necessary for the violin to play very softly to allow the piano its equal share of tone; also the pianist would at times require almost to overplay in order to get the balance right, owing to the fact that in many passages of difficulty the violinist wouldn't always find it possible to play softly enough, and generally the piano is harder to "get through" when the two instruments are going full strength, unlike in a concert hall, where it is generally the reverse. Also the violinist is nearer the horn when recording.

'Producing records is, after all, an expensive venture, and it would need someone in the nature of a millionaire to make the possibilities of recording as we should like to have it, and to cater for the public requiring perfect records.

'Still, it is a hundred per cent better than it was a few years ago, owing to the experience of recorder and artist, the latter having to play quite differently from what he is accustomed to on the concert platform.'

Now it is interesting that Sammons thought that the results in 1924 were 'a hundred per cent better than it was a few years ago' that is when he made the 1917 Kreutzer recording, and it is true that the recording, as fine as it is for 1917, is really something of a travesty when put against recordings from the introduction of the Western Electric system.

I decided to go back through the process I was using and try and work out a different way to re-balance early recordings, more particularly acoustic recording. I had concluded for quite a long time that it is not really possible to manipulate these recordings so that it might reproduce something like a 'modern balance' but I thought it could be possible to produce something like a 'modern sound.'

There are two main factors in the original recording process that are against getting a modern balance, firstly the position of the instruments would not be that found in any normal setup, we know this from surviving photographs of recording sessions and Sammons describes above how it was in the studio when making a recording with piano. Secondly the room used was not designed for making a pleasing sound, say like a concert hall, but instead adapted to project as much of the sound into the recording horns as possible. 

Our pioneering recording engineers, or 'experts' would have worked backwards from a successful recording, having previously noted down the position of instruments, together with the size and arrangement of the recording horn or horns etc. Over time this was refined until something that sounded marketable could be achieved. In the Kreutzer recording the violin was quite close to a recording horn, the piano however, producing as it does more sound energy, would be further away and probably two horns were used in this recording with one positioned to record each instrument at their optimum distance and then mixed down through a connector and directed to the recording diaphragm. Although the sound in the studio would be a bit odd and unbalanced to those playing, it would however translate into something approaching an identifiable performance a when played through a contemporary gramophone, although in order to avoid blast, or even broken grooves, especially in the lower octaves, the piano had to be recorded quieter.

The studios that these recordings were made in also produced quite a lot of reverberant hard sound, the size of the room was often modest and the walls were very often panelled with wood with no soft or absorbent materials being present. In early recordings this spacial ambience cannot be heard very well, however it holds that it must be in the grooves, as indeed should the timbre of the instruments should be too, if all a bit faint and distorted by the recording equipment.

Below is a photograph of the recording room that Sammons and Murdoch used as it appeared a few years later, it may give an idea of what this room probably sounded like.

Recording Liszt Hungarian Rhapsody No.1 with the New Queen’s Hall Orchestra and Henry Wood in the Columbia studio in Clerkenwell Road probably on 20 December 1921.

The same room in 2017 - beams still there but panelling now gone
So the sound I found myself looking for was to ignore the balance and approximate something as best I could to the timbre that instruments should make. This would mean also that the instruments would be unbalanced, and as Sammons states the loudness of the violin and piano would be reversed in comparison to a modern recording. Also some more obvious ambience should be now audible and hopefully result in, if nor all, at least a much greater increase in the upper and lower harmonics - something of a tall order. 


Columbia's offices and recording studio at 102–108 Clerkenwell Road. London.
The studio was on the top floor - the ridge board of the roof can just be 

seen above the parapet on the left
With that in mind I reverse engineered the recording to an approximation of the sound that could be heard in the recording studio and did this by looking at how the sound energy of each frequency could be equated to a modern recording over its frequency range, this method also avoided using any subjective balancing by ear. I found that the problems with using ones hearing, except in the fine tuning and final stages, is that you just can't help pulling towards the sound you want rather than the sound that is actually incised into the grooves, a process that results in introducing your own layer of sonic distortion.

There are two unfortunate 'side-effects' with my approach, the first is that the noise level is greatly increased as various recorded frequencies of the instruments are often masked by the surface noise of the original recording, sometimes quite severely. If filtered out, and as yet there is no way around the problem, we would quickly loose something of the music. The second problem is of course the balance of the instruments is a bit wrong. The piano in the Sammons and Murdoch Kreutzer recording sounds far away and generally fainter, but with the advantage of more fidelity, quite a lot of ambience together with the bonus of lower and upper octaves more easily heard as indeed are the overtones on both the instruments are too. The violin being so much closer to the recording horn produced a less resonant sound and in some places, as when the strings are plucked at the end of the first movement, you can hear quite well the sound echoed inside the recording horn with some incidental resonant frequencies of the metal horn making their appearance.

Although the surface noise can be more than a little bit annoying at first the filtering mechanism in our brains is well adapted to cope with it and hopefully to a greater or lesser degree allows us to more easily loose ourselves in the performance rather than having to make allowances for the odd acoustics of the original recording. 

We often hear that the acoustic process could not record certain frequencies but this is not the case, they are there, but both a little messed up and then masked by a lot of noise - a purely mechanical recording process must pick the sound up but as when looking through an ancient window pane the light and image transmitted through the glass is all a bit distorted even though we find it difficult to work out what we are seeing light and image are transmitted through the glass. 

This whole exercise would not be very commercial enterprise but then as I am looking to understand, enjoy and evaluate a performance, in this case one which is over 100 years old, I'd rather hear a 'warts and all' sound than iron out all the imperfections in the recording process and therefore kill the performance in the process of restoration.

Apart from the re-balancing of the recording only de-click, de-crackle and the removal of  the more severe rumble below 100Hz or so has been applied.

As you may think this is all guff, any comments or suggestion are gratefully receive!

Well if you have got this far down the page I have added the Arthur Catterall (1883-1943) and William Murdoch version issued on the same catalogue numbers for August 1923. Still an acoustic recording but better in some ways although by this time the process of making records with a quieter shellac, and the recording equipment much modified and generally improved. The position of the two players however seems very much the same and if anything the piano has now been moved even further away.




Violin Sonata No.9 in A major, Op.47 (Kreutzer) : abridged
Albert Catterall, violin & William Murdoch, piano

I. Adagio sostenuto (A major) - Presto (A minor)   II. Andante con variazioni (F major) 
 III. Finale. Presto (A major)

Columbia L1210 & L1211
[Matrix :AX71-1, AX72-1, AX73-1, & AX74-1]
Recorded Thursday, 7th June, 1923
(If you are not familiar with FLAC I can recommend Foobar2000 player)

The work can also be streamed as mp3 @ 192 kbps




Saturday, 18 July 2015

Copyright Rage

Nothing new about copyright upsetting some people, but more ado about that further down the blog.

The London Flute Quartet

Robert Murchie, Gordon Walker, Frank Almgill, Charles Stainer

(If you are not familiar with FLAC I can recommend Foobar2000 player)


a) Salomon Jadassohn : Scherzo, Op.57
b) Rimsky-Korsakov : ‘Flight of the Bumble-Bee’
Columbia 4215 (ⓦA 4197-1)


Briccialdi : ‘Il Carnival di Venezia’ op. 77 (arr. by Charles Stainer)
Columbia 4155 (ⓦA 4198-1)


Traditional : “Scotch an Irish Airs” (arr. by Charles Stainer)
Columbia 4155 (ⓦA 4199-1)


a) Grieg : Lyric Pieces, Op 12 No. 4 ‘Dance of the Elves’ (arr. by William Alwyn)
b) Chopin : Prelude in A major Op.28 No.7
c) Grieg : Lyric Pieces, Op 12 No. 6 ‘Norse’ (arr. by William Alwyn)
Columbia 4215 (ⓦA 4200-1)

Recorded: Friday, 1st or Monday 4th October 1926 in London
Issued: January & March 1927

The London Flute Quartet was formed, I believe, not long before their first run of four sides for Columbia in 1926. The four flautists, in the order given in the Columbia publicity material, were Robert Murchie (1884-1949), Gordon Walker (1885-1965) Frank Almgill (1881-1966), Charles Stainer (1885?-1947?) who were all top flight instrumentalists in the London orchestras in the 1920s. [see below for more fulsome biogs.] 

Robert Murchie, Frank Almgill, Gordon Walker
Charles Stainer (on bass flute)



The quartet also made a few more recordings in 1927 for Edison Bell and then Parlophone which may account for the group not being asked back by Columbia. They broadcast a few times for the BBC during 1927 and 1928 but apart from an outing in aid of the Musicians Benevolent Fund in 1934 they did not apparently perform again, at least visibly, until 1936 and 1937 when the BBC made a couple more broadcasts.

I have ordered the recordings above chronologically although each side was paired in a different order when issued.

As was common practise the two records were staggered over the two months of January and March 1927. Columbia 4155 was described as 'a delightful novelty' in the puff for their January supplement:



Now for the reviews, as usual these come from The Gramophone by Peter Latham and The Musical Times by the as yet unidentified Discus:

'Columbia 4155 (10in., 3s.), on which we hear the Carnival of Venice - Variations (Briccialdi, arranged Stainer) and Scotch and Irish Airs (arranged Stainer) played on four flutes (the London Flute Quartet), the lowest instrument being, I think, the rather uncommon bass flute. It is a strange experience to listen to these four flautists twittering away together, though perhaps hardly a satisfying one musically. A curious effect, as if a reed were joining occasionally in the concert, is probably due to the rather clarinet-like quality that the gramophone gives to the lower notes of the flute. The Gramophone, February, 1927 p. 373.

'The London Flute Quartet (Murchie, Walker, Armgill, and Stainer) gives us a novel type of record. I wish the brilliant playing had been spent on worthier material than showy variations on Scottish and Irish airs, and 'The Carnival of Venice.' The flute is one of the best of recording instruments though four together are apt to become a little shrill, and to set up too much in the way of harmonics. Let us hope that this admirable and unusual ensemble will find some first-rate music, composed or arranged, to take the place of the superficiality to which the instrument is usually condemned when heard alone. The Musical Times, February, 1927 p. 142.

Now this record was quite innocuous but not so the second release in March. Again a clipping from the Columbia supplement with yet more enthusiasm this time for their 'electric recording.'




The reviews again come from the same two journals:

'4215 (10 in., 3s.), into which the London Flute Quartet manages to squeeze five pieces - no mean achievement. They are Dance of the Elves (Grieg), Prelude No. 7 (Chopin), Norse (Grieg), Scherzo (Jadassohn), and Flight of the Bumble-Bee (Rimsky-Korsakov). The Chopin does not come off, but I was simply delighted with the Bumble-Bee (the flutes turn the beast into a bluebottle, but that doesn't matter), and in its way I thought this record as [a] great a triumph... .' The Gramophone, March 1927 p. 417

'The London Flute Quartet has made a greatly improved choice of music for its second recording - two of Grieg's Lyrical Pieces and the Chopin Prelude in A, a Scherzo of Jadassohn and Rimsky-Korsakov's 'Flight of the Bumble-Bee.' All are not equally happy, but the success of the; Bumble-Bee' piece alone is sufficient to make the record well worth while (4215). The Musical Times. April, 1927 p. 346

The Chopin which 'not come off' is partly due to problems with Columbia's early Western Electric recording equipment as indeed the mention of 'harmonics' in 4155. Certain 'booming sounds'' and resonances affected the microphone during recording but particularly so in the Chopin, on the whole though there remarkably simple recording equipment managed wonderfully.

William Alwyn gets into trouble

Well that seems all fine and dandy but then came a bombshell. It all has to do with the two Grieg pieces in arrangement by William Alwyn (1905-1985) – yet another flute player by the way, but a quick glance over the Wikipedia entry shows him to be very much 'a man of parts'


William Alwyn 1924



'In the summer of 1927 Alwyn secured a fortnight's engagement with the local band at Broadstairs, summoned as a replacement for a flautist who had been hired but left for a more lucrative assignment. The orchestra of ten performed in 'a rickety bandstand on the sea front doing our best to intone In a Monastery Garden in the teeth of what seemed a perpetual gale! It was a wet, depressing August, with rehearsals conducted by a Captain Waterhouse (a veteran of the Great War) in a soggy marquee, rehearsals often for concerts that were cancelled because of the dismal weather ... Coming down to breakfast one morning in the back-street boarding house where he lodged with some of his fellow bandsmen, Alwyn found two letters waiting for him. Opening the first, Alwyn was dismayed at what he read. Grieg's publisher wished for an immediate explanation of why Alwyn had infringed the composers copyright by arranging Grieg's Lyric Pieces for four flutes. Court action was mentioned as a possibility. These arrangements had been written for the London Flute Quartet, in complete innocence of any matters relating to copyright and its infringement, mechanical rights or performing rights, all things of which Alwyn was quite unaware. It was to Gordon Walker, the leader of the Quartet, that Alwyn turned for help, and Walker's tactful intervention calmed the situation. Because it was a sunny morning, Alwyn had to hurry to the bandstand for a concert, and it was only during an interval that he remembered to open the second letter. It was the offer of a contract as Third Flute and Piccolo in the London Symphony Orchestra for Septembers Three Choirs Festival at Hereford. [Adrian Wright The Innumerable Dance: The Life and Work of William Alwyn, Woodbridge: The Boydel Press p. 49.]

It does not seem, from the above, that Alwyn and the quartet were in too much hot water but Walker's ‘tactful intervention’ was apparently quite an heated affair. In his article in The Times newspaper [Friday, Feb 4, 1966] in a piece titled 'The Mysteries of Copyright' the music critic William Mann  fleshed out more of the story:

‘In the current issue of Recording Rights Journal Mr. William Alwyn recalls the terrible episode which resulted, in 1927, from his arrangement for four flutes of Grieg's Lyric Pieces, a work which he had undertaken to enliven the repertory of the virtuoso London Flute Quartet and boost the reputation of a dead and perhaps underestimated composer. Grieg's music was still in copyright, and a row ensued, as a result of which the quartet's leader. Gordon Walker (a universally respected musician) reported: “I had to hand over your manuscript, and the publisher tore it up in front of my eyes, and then I was given the biggest dressing down I have ever received in my life." Mr. Alwyn would not have suffered if he had offered the London Flute Quartet an original composition of his own; altruism was his undoing (though 2LO, as the B.B.C. then was, might have been less willing to broadcast a work by a young and unknown composer).'

Now what of the record? Well it was not withdrawn as you might expect but continued on in the Columbia catalogue until at least 1935. Indeed it outlasted the other record of the London String Quartet in the listings! The Grieg recording was actually broadcast three times by the BBC in 1935 & 1936.

This puts me in a quandary. Grieg is out of copyright, well I do hope he is but one never knows these days, but Alwyn is still very much in copyright and will be so even when I'm dust. So if the arrangement was never copyrighted then maybe the only surviving artifact of the arrangement Grieg's Lyric Pieces is in the recording. Does this mean that Alwyn's musical executors or heirs can now transcribe the pieces from my posting and then ban everyone from hearing it again, me excluded of course as I still have my 78, for another 75 years. 

So then, hear it while you can people.

The Flute Players

I have below given outlines biography of the players below all culled from Susan Nelson's formidable discography The Flute on Record, Scarecrow Press, 2006

Frank Almgill (1881-1966); studied flute with Staniland Hall and Edward de Jong. He was the principle flautist of the London Chamber Orchestra, second flautist and piccolist of the London Symphony Orchestra, and piccolist at Covent Garden. Beginning in 1923 he had an active broadcasting career as a member of the 'BBC Wireless Orchestra' and continued as second flautist when the BBC Symphony Orchestra was officially founded in 1930 (he left in 1945),. He was a member of the Kneale Kelley Quartet, sometimes known as the '2LO Instrumental Quartet.'

Robert Murchie (1884-1949) won a scholarship to London's Collage of Music in 1906 and studied flute there with W. Barrett, Early in his career, he was a remember of the 'Royal Victory Band. an ensemble that recorded for the British Victory label ca. 1912. Murchie performed as a member of the Queen's Hall orchestra, the London Symphony orchestra, and the Royal Philharmonic Society (ca. 1925-32). in addition he was a founding member of the London Wind Quintet, and the London Flute Quartet, he was principle flautist of the BBC Symphony orchestra from 1930-1938 and professor of flute at the Royal Collage of Music in London.

Charles Stainer (1885?-1947?) was born Carl Steiner changing his name to Charles Steiner at the Proms in 1898 [was he really born around 1885?} and on the outbreak of war in 1914 made a final name change. Studied flute with A.P. Vivian at the Royal College of Music in London and thereafter became a noted orchestral performer, soloist, and composer of flute solos. he was a member of the Royal Philharmonic Society and performed with the BBC Military band and the BBC Symphony Orchestra (130-1933). especially when an alto flute was called for. He taught at the Royal Academy of music between ca 1928 and 1945.

Gordon Walker (1885-1965) Walker was primarily self-taught and began his musical career in Edinburgh, Newcastle and Blackpool (ca, 1906-1911), after 1911 he went to London and played with various orchestras and opera companies, notably the British National Opera and the London Symphony Orchestra. He was principle flute of the Royal opera, Covent Garden (ca.1925-1929) and the London Symphony Orchestra (1926-1946), and he is also mentioned as a member of the Royal Albert Hall Orchestra and the Royal Philharmonic Society. In addition to playing in the London Flute Quartet, Walker formed the Cellini Trio of flute cello and piano and the Lyra Quartet of flute, violin, viola, and harp.

A wee note

And finally an apology: this is my first post for 2015, a terrible admission but I just ran out of steam and needed a kick from Grumpy's Classic Cave to get me out of my torpor.

Wednesday, 24 December 2014

Something for Christmas

Harry Amers was and now never will be a household name. He however did his part to promote music to the masses in the first third of the 20th century at the seaside resort of Eastbourne on the South Coast of England for which we really should be grateful.


Amers: All on a Christmas Morning, Idyll [1920]
&
Amers: The B'hoys of Tipperary, Patrol [1915]

The Eastbourne Municipal Orchestra conducted by Harry G. Amers

Columbia 5400
(ⓦAX 8896-2 & ⓦAX 8894-2)
Recorded: Thursday, 18th April 1929 at Eastbourne
Issued: mid June 1929

(If you are not familiar with FLAC I can recommend Foobar2000 player)

‘Harry’ Henry Gallon Amers (1875 - 1944) was born in Newcastle to a musical family. Harry’s Grandfather was a band sergeant in the Newcastle Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry and his father J.H. Amers may also have been a member of this same regiment but due to delicate health we find him conducting a string band that also grew large enough to be called and ‘orchestral band’ that gave entertainment at various shows and functions in the in the Newcastle area. Most notably as musical director to the Royal Jubilee Exhibition of 1887. Harry started as a chorister in St George's Newcastle and as a youth he played a solo by command before the Princess of Wales and several times before King Edward VII - unfortunately I do not know which instrument he played.

Harry Amers around 1908
Harry was to joined the same regiment, now renamed the Northumberland Hussars Imperial Yeomanry, on 24 March 1896 as a ‘Bandmaster.’ This was just a month after his father’s death so the two events are probably connected for Harry either joined in order not to be a drain on the family finances or to help support his mother and siblings. In 1898 he can be found conducting the Elswick Military Band at the Pleasure Gardens at Saltburn and seems to have conducted various military bands in popular and classical music throughout the North-East. He may have been with the Hussars during the Boer War however he was certainly in the UK in 1906 to record a number of pieces, including some of his compositions for the Homochord label. Harry apparently re-enlisted twice firstly in June 1906, roughly when the Homochord records were issued and again in June 1908.  One has the feeling that Harry’s health was also delicate for although receiving his Long Service and Good Conduct Medal when war broke out in August 1914, Harry, still only 39 he was found unfit for service. Despite this he still seems to have seen action as he was wounded in action. Harry remained with the Hussars and sometime after 1915  took charge of a prisoner of war camp. Once hostilities had ended he received the rank of captain in the reserves on his leaving the army in 1920. 

Inside the Eastbourne Pavilion.

Amers soon afterwards was employed by Eastbourne corporation to form a municipal orchestra that was based at the Devonshire Park both in the Pavilion auditorium and the Theatre for the next fifteen year the orchestras conductor. He conducted his small orchestra throughout the year, the orchestra being augmented with musicians down from London once the session there had ended. He clearly had good connections in the music world for he very soon instituted a music festival. The first of these remarkable festivals was in 1923 and was reviewed in the December issue of Musical Times.

Devonshire Park - the Theatre to the left and the Pavilion behind the trees.
'Eastbourne.- A notable Musical Festival was held by the Municipality at Devonshire Park on November 8-17,with the Municipal Orchestra under Capt. H. G. Amers. The interest and popularity of the Festival were maintained from beginning to end. The British music included Sir Edward Elgar’s Violin Concerto. Herbert Howells’s new Pastoral Rhapsody, Alfred Wall’s Thanet and Lucretius, Mr. David Stephen’s Coronach, Holst’s Fugal Concerto and Fugal Overture, Dame Ethel Smyth’s Prelude to The Wreckers, Maurice Besly’s new Suite, Chelsea China, and works of Holbrooke, Eric Coates, W. H. Reed, Granville Bantock, John Foulds, Roger Quilter, Howard Carr. and A. W. Ketelbey, who all came to conduct their own compositions [!!!]. Franck’s Symphony was conducted by Sir Henry Wood. The choir appeared only once - in [German's] Merrie England. The Municipality is to be congratulated on the excellent management and success of its new venture.'

The festival continued annually, even the redoubtable Thomas Beecham came to conduct together with international soloists as Elizabeth Schumann, Arthur de Greef, and Guilhermina Suggia. 

During the late 1920s Amers and the Eastbourne Municipal Orchestra broadcast on the BBC a number of summer programmes from Devonshire Park. I understand that in the summer concerts were given in the Pavilion and in the winter in the Theatre. 


Film of the the North-East Coast Exhibition 1929.

The present recordings are connected to the North-East Coast Exhibition, a world fair held in Newcastle between May and October 1929. Recorded in Eastbourne in April 1926 the orchestra then headed north to Amers home town for the Exhibition. The record was issued by Columbia in their mid-June supplement when a total of eight sides which included these two of Amers own composition/arraignments.

Columbia Supplement mid-June 1929
1929 was probably the high watermark of the Eastbourne Municipal Orchestra’s success, a combination of economic distress and the Corporation of Eastbourne wanting a more popular fare with their new Band Stand  caused the orchestra to be disbanded in May. 1936. 

The last Festival was held at Devonshire Park on November 25-December 1 ‘The principal works in their programmes being as follows: Sir Hamilton Harty - Beethoven’s Seventh Symphony. Elgar’s ‘Cello Concerto (Mr. Michael Cherniavsky), In Ireland (Harty); Sir Thomas Beecham - Schubert’s Sixth Symphony. Sibelius’s Four Historical Themes. Beethoven’s Sixth Symphony; Sir Landon Ronald - Mozart’s Violin Concerto in D (Miss Orrea Pernel). Tchaikovsky’s Fourth Symphony; Dr. Adrian Boult - [Elgar's] Cockaigne/ Brahms’s Variations on a Theme by Haydn. Beethoven’s Fourth Piano Concerto (Miss Myra Hess), Bax’s ‘Tintagel’; Sir Henrv Wood-Moussorgsky’s ‘Peep-Show’ Sibelius’s ‘En Saga.’ On the Friday afternoon Capt. Amers conducted a programme that included Rachmaninov’s Second Piano Concerto (Orloff) and Mozart’s Symphony No. 34 in C. Mr. Gordon Jacob conducted his Passacaglia on a well-known Theme. The festival concluded with a performance of ‘The Messiah’ under Capt. Amers with Miss Isobel Baillie. Miss Betty Bannerman, Mr. Heddle Nash, and Mr. Harold Williams as soloists. It transpired that the Corporation intended to disband the Municipal Orchestra when its present contract expired next April. At the end of his concert Sir Thomas Beecham made a vigorous speech against this decision.' [Musical Times January, 1929].

Opening of the new Eastbourne Bandstand in 1936 - at 28 seconds there is what maybe a 
glimpse of our Capt. Amers standing behind the dignitaries at his last official function!

Harry 'was a handsome fellow; it seems, always immaculately dressed with a red carnation in his buttonhole and red hair to match. Much admired by lady members of the audience it is said ... . He had flair and a good sense of showmanship and never arrived until the second item on the programme, allowing his deputy to start the concert off. He appeared, as did the orchestra, in uniform during the day but in the evening he put on evening dress and became Captain Amers and his Famous Orchestra' (Pegg: Newcastle's Musical Heritage - unfortunately with a number of inaccuracies but with further information on Amers the contribution to the North-East Coast Exhibition)

I suppose Harry Amers probably went into retirement and is invariable recorded as having died in 1936 however Harry lived until 1944 and  died at West Hills, Ottery St Mary in East Devon. He was at the time of his death married to Kate Amers but he was also married to a Beatrice in 1907, but that ended in divorce in 1910. Harry was cremated and his ashes were interned with his parents John Hall Amers (1840-1895) and Frances Gallon Amers (1846-1906) and his siblings John Richardson Amers (1865-1946); Frances Amers (1874-1941); Hilda Amers (1881 - 1891) and Richard Amers (1884-1885). 

Debussy at the Grand Hotel Eastbourne taking a photo of the sea -
probably not really thinking about La Mer which he happened to compose there!


Sunday, 7 December 2014

Fauré in London

A long introduction before I get to the point I’m afraid on W.H. Squire's recordings of Fauré!



Sicilienne for Cello & Piano Op. 78 [1898]

William Henry Squire cello & [Hamilton Harty?], piano

Columbia L1759
(ⓦAX 1225)
Recorded: Wednesday, 23rd December, 1925
Issued September 1926 & deleted August 1931



Papillon for Cello & Piano Op. 77 [1898]

William Henry Squire, cello & [Hamilton Harty?], piano

Columbia L1977
(ⓦAX 1248)
Recorded: Friday, 15th January 1926
Issued June 1927 & deleted August 1930

(If you are not familiar with FLAC I can recommend Foobar2000 player)

During March and the beginning of April 1898 Gabriel Fauré spent a vacation with his friend and music patron Leo Frank Schuster (1852-1927). ‘Schuster was a music-lover and patron of the arts in the United Kingdom. His home overlooking St James's Park at 22 Old Queen Street, London, part of which now contains offices of The Spectator magazine, became a meeting-place for artists, writers and musicians, including Siegfried Sassoon, John Singer Sargent, Walter Sickert, Sir Edward Elgar and Sir Adrian Boult. He was a particular patron of Edward Elgar, and also did much to make Gabriel Fauré's name known in England’ [Wikipedia]

Film of Fauré having a smoke in 1913

It was on this visit that a meeting was set between Fauré and Mrs Patrick Campbell by Schuster. Mrs Campbell had been rebuffed by Debussy when asked if he could provide incidental music for Maurice Maeterlinck’s  Pelléas et Mélisande which she wanted to be produced in London in a translation by Jack Mackail. Mrs Campbell must have heard Fauré’s work and immediately set forth to commission Fauré to provide music in the places she felt most called out for music in the play. 

Mrs Patrick Campbell

Fauré composed some nineteen numbers very quickly and ‘On 21 June 1898 Fauré himself conducted the orchestra of the Prince of Wales' Theatre, Piccadilly (Coventry Street) for the premiere of the English version of Pelléas et Mélisande. In the audience were Maeterlinck, Charles van Lerberghe, Reynaldo Hahn, the Princess Edmond de Polignac (who was to be the dedicatee of the orchestral suite), the painter John Singer Sargent and all Fauré's London friends. The production was a great success with the public and the critics. Maeterlinck himself wrote an enthusiastic letter to Mrs Patrick Campbell which finished: in a few words, “you... filled me with an emotion of beauty the most complete, the most harmonious, the sweetest that I have ever felt to this day.”’ [See Jean-Michel Nectoux: Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life.]

Today only the Suite Pelléas et Mélisande of four of the nineteen pieces is regularly played: Prélude-Fileuse-Sicilienne-La mort de Mélisande.

The Sicilienne had been originally written in 1892 as part of the incidental music for a production of Molière’s Le Bougeois Gentilhomme that never reached the stage.

The question, which is open to a lot of conjecture, is this. Had Fauré sent Squire the scores of both Papillon and the Sicilienne prior to Fauré’s stay in London from March 1898. I can’t be sure of this as I have not tracked down a programme for a concert given on the 12th February 1898 at the Queens Hall in which ‘Mr W.H. Squire produced three little violoncello pieces by Godard and Fauré with much success’ [The Musical Times, March 1898]. Another notice of the concert appeared in The Observer ‘Three graceful little pieces for violoncello and orchestra, by Godard and Fauré respectively, were brought forward by Mr. W. H. Squire, for the first time in London. Their value is not great, but as played by that talented artist and the Queen’s Hall orchestra they were pleasant enough to hear.' [The Observer,13 February 1898]. 

This asks another question, was Squire playing the Sicilienne in its Le Bougeois Gentilhomme form, and did it even have a title yet, or was he playing just the Elégie Op.24 which had been arranged for orchestra in 1895 and the other two pieces were by Godard? At least one of these pieces would have been played, one hopes anyway. Another anomaly is this, did Squire play them again at Schuster’s house from which Mrs Campbell approached Fauré to compose the incidental music? Squire is known to have played at the Schuster house frequently.

Schuster's house at 22 Old Queen St., London

One fact from this mountain of hypothetical conjecture was that Fauré, on his return to Paris, dedicated the score of the Sicilienne and inscribed the manuscript 'To Mons. W. H. Squire Sicilienne pour Violoncelle et piano Paris 16 avril,1898, Gabriel Fauré’. [This is now held in the Eugene Istomin Collection, New York]

I’m not wholly sure when Squire first met Fauré but they had met by 1896 for in a concert of the 1st May 1896 included Fauré’s piano quartet Op. 15 with the composer at the piano together with Adolph Brodsky, violin, Alfred Hobday, viola, and W.H. Squire, cello.

William Henry Squire

Now as far as I can judge Squire had not previously recorded any Fauré and was not to do so again. Were these two early electrically recorded Columbia sides made as homage to the composer who died the previous year? Did he think that the subtleties of the work could be brought out better with this new process? Had he just decided that Faure might just become popular! Very little of his work, appart from the songs, were recorded by the mid 1920s.

Also single potpourri pieces that Squire had so often recorded for both HMV and Columbia had by this time begun to give way to longer concertos and chamber works. With a new generation of cellists competing for gramophone recognition, Squire’s was, with his ‘old fashioned’ playing style, being slowly being ousted from the studios.

These two recordings can probably be regarded as ‘creator version.’ The Papillon, although written in 1884 was not published until 1898, is played so much slower than cellist play it today. In fact most cellist take it as some sort of exercise in prowess, rather than the delicate butterfly hovering about on a sunny afternoon. The Sicilienne too is also played quite slowly and both recordings use what today would be thought excessive portamento, but then I  like portamento and I don’t think that it's a dirty word. The piano accompaniment is excellent and although the pianist is unknown it may well be Harty as he was the de facto accompanist for most of Squire's pre-electric recordings.

Both these recordings are not in the best condition the Papillon appears to have a pressing problem, this was noted in The Gramophone and so was not given a review and may also account for the delay in issue - both recordings are a bit noisy.

I should mention what is on the 'B' side of each of these pieces: L1759 has W.H. Squire's Slumber Song and L1977 has Herbert Hughes' arrangment of The Sally Garden.

Fauré and Mrs Patrick Campbell,1898